Tracing The Roots of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals: A Bibliographical Survey

Kamaruzzaman Bustamam-Ahmad

  

This essay provides a sketch of Indonesian Muslim intellectuals of the 1990s and offers a comprehensive explanation of their reformist approach to Islam from the 1970s to the 1980s. 1 It argues that there is a continuation in their regard of Islamic thought for the last three decades. I utilize a bibliographical approach to the works of these intellectuals. It is an approach that neither Indonesian nor foreign scholars have ever used. While the period begins with the 1970s, I also would warn readers that my knowledge of works in the 1970s is limited. I hope, however, that other scholars can fill the gap by undertaking detailed studies of this period.

There is no consensus as regards the origins of Islamic reform in Indonesia. It is claimed that these trends started between the late 19th and early 20 centuries, which has been challenged by Azyumardi Azra, who argued that reform in Islam began as early as the 17th century. 2 His revisionist studies set off a series of discussions on the issue, especially on the intellectual expressions of these reforms. 3Those who still clung to the first argument would consign this point to a mere “footnote” in the study of Muslim intellectuals and reformism. But those who took Azyumardi’s argument seriously, meant that extending the origins of Islamic reformism farther back would men taking into account the intellectual dynamics in Haramayn and Egypt. 4

To argue that the modernism movement dated back to the early 19th and 20th centuries meant to focus on how these intellectuals adopted the ethos and spirit of modernism, and how they tapped institutions like newspapers and journals to articulate their views. 5 Viewed from this context, however, modernism also becomes framed by colonialism and the proselytization of Christianity by colonial power which regarded the religious behavior of Indonesian Muslim as being “trapped” in the TBC (Taklid, Bid’ah and Churafat, or unquestioning acceptance of traditional religious interpretations, heresy, and superstitions, respectively). 6 This modernism did not last longer, as Muslim scholars were caught in the intensity of the independence and post-independence debates regarding the foundations of the nation, the relations between the state and religion, and the direction of Indonesian politics which they saw as “dominated” by secular nationalists. 7 Even in the last days of Old Order, Islamic thought remained undeveloped because the foremost concern was the threat of the Partai Komunis Indonesia.

 

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Leading Lights

Intellectual articulations of Islamic thoughts first appeared in 1970s as noted by M. Dawan Rahardjo in his Intelektual Intelegensia dan Perilaku Politik Bangsa. 8 Young Muslim intellectuals led by Nurcholish Madjid began to make their presence felt, proposing that the Muslim community would be in a better position if they underemphasize the political power of the community under the Old Order and redirect the attention of Indonesian Muslim towards the substance of Islamic teachings. The emergence of this intellectuals was in response to the New Order government to conceive of ways of limiting, if not eliminating the power of political Islam. M. Syafii Anwar’s Pemikiran dan Aksi Islam Indonesia, for example, argues that the New Order government was going to do away with “primordial political ideology.” 9 Books like Anwar’s were meant to send a message to young Muslim intellectuals not to give were political Islam importance in the same way as it was by their predecessor who, in turn, lost power under the Old Order.

A comprehensive study on the role played of Nurcholish Madjid is M. Kamal Hassan PhD dissertation “Muslim Intellectual response to New Order Modernization in Indonesia” (Columbia University, 1975). 10 Kamal’s study, however, was debunked by Greg Barton in his Gagasan Islam Liberal di Indonesia. 11 Barton’s study, as well as another work, Neo-Modernisme Islam Versus Post-Tradisionalisme Islam, was critiqued by younger intellectual Muslim from Nahdatul Ulama, such as in his work. 12The dynamics of modernization of the Islamic in response to the politics of New Order were also discussed by Kamal, Bachtiar Effendy and M. Rusli Karim. 13 Other scholar like Faisal Ismail also tries to look Islamic modernism at from the perspective of the tension within Pancasila, while Masykuri Abdillah looks at the dynamics within the framework of a larger discourse on democracy. 14

What is important to note here is that the ideas of these Muslim intellectuals of the 1970s are accepted within the wider context of Islamic thought in Indonesia. More importantly, their ideas began to alter the policies of New Order as regards Islam and Muslim community. For instance, as a result of their writings, the state became more accommodating of Islam. Bahtiar Effendy cites four areas where the New Order became more obliging: the structural, legislative, infrastructural, and cultural. In the cultural sphere, one of the most apparent moves by the government was the recruitment of Islamic thinkers and activists to the executive branch, the bureaucracy and the legislature. 15 Parliament also passed new laws which provided more material benefit to Islam. The most prominent of these regulations was the creation of the Islamic Bank Muamalat Indonesia in 1991. The state also included Islamic themes in its various rituals and ceremonies. 16

Harun Nasution also tried to “indigenize” Mu’tazilah in Indonesia in the 1970s. Despite initial resistance by many, his efforts bore fruits when he developed a new generation of Muslim scholars specializing in the Islamic thought in the 1980s and 1990s through his institution, the State Institute of Islamic Studies of Syarif Hidayatullah, Jakarta. Harun’s role in spread of the discourse of Islamic thought had a deep impact for the next generation of Islamic thinkers in Indonesia. The book Refleksi Pembaharuan Pemikiran Islam cited various Muslim scholars from the 1960s to 1990s generation, giving recognition to Harun’s contribution to the spread of “rational thinking” in Indonesia, as wrote by Arief Subhan, Saiful Muzani,and Fauzan Saleh. 17Another intellectual, Munawir Sjadzali was deeply involved in sending many Muslim scholars from the State Institute of Islamic Studies to abroad in the 1990s to receive education in counterpart Islamic Studies institutes in the West. This group would return to Indonesia and in turn make a profound impact on the discourse of Islamic thought in the country. The Kontekstualisasi Ajaran Islam (1995), as well as other authors who cited Munawir’s program, noted how much it helped relax ideological tensions that were beginning to rise in Indonesia in the 1990s. 18

Still another prominent figure in this movement to modernize Islamic thought is the scholar Mukti Ali. Through his Yogyakarata study circle called the Limited Group, Mukti invited many Muslim thinkers to join in conducting a pioneer study on comparative religion at the State Institutes of Islamic Studies (IAIN). His role has been acknowledged by young Yogyakarta Muslim thinkers like the late Ahmad Wahid, M. Dawam Rahardjo, Djohan Effendi, and many others. His vision of a modernist Islam have also been explored by scholars like Abdurahman, Burhanuddin Daya, and Djam’annuari (eds), Agama dan Masyarakat, as well as Ali Munhannif and Nasrullah Ali Fauzi. 19 Finally there is H.M Rasjidi – also referred to by Nurcholish Madjid as the Godfather of the McGill Mafia (i.e., scholars who went to McGill University in Canada). His works have been appreciated in Indonesia, as indicated by the writings of Azyumardi Azra, Akh. Minhaji and Kamaruzzaman about him. 20His disagreements with Nurcholish Madjid and his colleagues however have also put a limit his influence, especially since Rasjidi’s works have drawn the full attention of the first Religious Minister of Indonesia.

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Institutions

The organizations and foundations in which these intellectuals belonged served as “vehicles as well as transmitters” of the modernization movement. Prominent among these leading institutions were the Paramadina Foundation, which helped spread the ideas of Nurcholish Madjid. Being visiting professor in the Indonesian Academy of Sciences and senior lecturer in IAIN also served Nurcholish well. Greg Barton points out that having Syarif Hidayatullah as a colleague in Paramadina was also vital in Nurcholish’s attempts at popularizing the discourse of Islamic modernity. 21 Periodically Nurcholish would also deliver monthly lectures at the KKA (Club of Religious Studies), a association of mainly middle class Muslims in Jakarta. He would also invite other scholars in such for to stimulate the discussions. Through these lectures Nurcholish and his colleagues works that “flooded” the Indonesian scene. Publications by Paramadina and other foundations like LAZIS of Nurcholish’s and other’s works then complemented these proceedings. 22 Paramadina publications were in turn distributed by institutions like Buku Panduan Program Pusat Studi Islam. This foundation also published a journal by the name of Paramadina which only lasted up until two editions.

Another vital network is the LSAF (Study Circle for the Study of Philosophy and Religion). The LSAF became active in socializing the movement of Islamic modernism in the 1980s and continued its projects well into the 1990s. It was instrumental in the production of such works of authors like M. Dawam Rahardjo, whose essay in the journal Ulumul Qur’an, whichfocused on the latest development in the study of Islam. Dawam also wrote a regular column called Assalamu’alaikum, and is author of the compendium Ensiklopedia Qur’an (published by Paramadina, which was closely allied to LSAF). 23 LSAF was also responsible for the emergence and nurturing of young Muslim intellectuals like Saiful Muzani, Budhy Munawar-Rachman, Ihsan Ali-Fauzi, Arief Subhan, Nasrullah Ali-Fauzi, Agus Wachid, Edy A. Efendy, Dewi Nurjulianti, and Nurul Agustina. Some of them would become major thinkers in the disciplines of their own choice. 24

Then there is the Muthahhari foundation in Bandung which is chaired by Jalaludin Rakhmat. The foundation was established by Jalaluddin, Haidar Bagir, Ahmad Tafsir and Achmad Muhadjir on 3 October 1988. It named itself after Mutahhari, a prolific cleric cum intellectual of the 20th century who was regarded as the model Muslim scholar for having strong roots in the traditional teachings of Islam, for mastering non-religious subjects; and for showing concern for real problem of the social life. 25The foundation is known to be close to the Shia Islam, publishing a now-defunct journal Al Hikmah, which expresses Shiite views of Islam and the world, especially those of Jalaluddin, and translating the works of Muslim scholars of Shiite sect. The journal, when it was still active, also produced works by orientalists and thus was seen as promoting plural perspective on Islam. It used to have close ties relation with Mizan Press, a publisher that that produces works by Shiite Muslim scholars like Ali Syari’ati.

The fourth organization is LP3ES (Research Institute, Education and Information on Economic and Social Issues), established in 1971 with funding from Friedrich Nauman Stiftung (FNS) foundation of Germany. 26 Its leading thinkers included Fachry Ali, Hadimulyo, M. Dawam Rahardjo, and Abdurrahman Wahid. Dawam Rahardjo would use LP3ES as a way of involving the pesantren in various programs of empowerment, but also guide social research along empirical matters and less on normative themes. LP3ES published books that became considered as major references for the Islamic studies in Indonesia, and the journal Prisma, that focused on social themes as they relate to Islam in Indonesia. 27 Prisma promoted articles with anti-ideological and anti-political party themes as well as essays that promote mass understanding of present and past Islamic discourses. 28 According to Martin van Bruinessen, Prisma has also inspired an open minded perspective on the studies of traditional texts, yet at the same it offers a critical review of these texts. 29 LP3ES was unique because it was both a research institute and an NGO. It was, according to Fachry Ali,“an organization that generously accommodate our intellectual desire [t]hrough research activities and [through] its journal Prisma…had inspired and supported the desires for an intellectual quest that have been pioneered by Nurcholish Madjid in our community.” 30

The fifth organization is the P3M (Association of Development of Pesantren and Society) which was established in 1983 and now headed by Masdar F Mas’udi. Its goals include providing intellectual support for modernism within the pesantren world. 31 Its founder was related to the LP3ES, but its development was mainly the result of the efforts of the Nahadtul Ulama (NU) and Masyumi. 32 The writings coming out of P3M, especially by prominent figures like Masdar and Abdurahman Wahid, are different for they try break old traditions like the view that teachings must closely follow the classical texts. The foundation publishes a quarterly journal that examines the latest development in the pesantren world.

The sixth organization is PPSK (Center of Strategic and Policy Studies), which is based in Yogyakarta and created shortly before the birth of Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim se-Indonesia (ICMI). Amien Rais was the prime mover behind PPSK, supported by other Gadjah Mada University scholars like Watik Pratiknya, Kuntowijoyo, Sofyan Effendy, Jamaluddin Ancok, Ichasul Amal, Yahya Muhaimin, Dochak Latif, Chairul Anwar, and the late Affan Gaffar. According to Amien the organization would function as a “kitchen that produces thoughts for the Muslims” 33 It would eventually transformed itself into the think thank that gave birth to ICMI, the now famous clearing house for various Muslims intellectuals. PPSK publishes a quarterly journal Prospektif, producing works similar to those of the IAIN.

It should be clear by now that the movement of Islamic modernism in Indonesia has always been associated with foundations, with scholars and intellectuals known for both their ideas as well as for their affiliation. Nurcholish Madjid, for example, is recognized as a scholar from IAIN Jakarta and LIPI, but public also knows him as a leading light of Paramadina. Furthermore, new generation of intellectuals also become known via “these vehicles.” Komaruddin Hidayat, a young Muslim thinker in the 1990s, made his mark in public via Paramadina, while LP3ES was responsible for the reputation of Fachry Ali as an expert on social sciences and politics. The P3M was the incubator for the scholars under NU to emerge, notably Zuhairi Misrawi in 2000, while LSAF produced young Muslim thinkers like Saiful Muzani, who became known commentators in the local newspaper, translators, editors, or freelance writers (Muzani would later on move to, a research institute under the State Islamic University).

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It goes without saying that journals like Prisma, Pesantren, Ulumul Qur’an, and Al Hikmah, were crucial in promoting the above intellectuals’ views. They became “historical witnesses” to the development of these Islamic thinkers and for inspiring other journals to emerge. Such new journals as Al-Manar, Al-Imam, Al-Munir, Al-Muslimun, Ittihad, Seruan al-Azhar, Pilehan Timoer, al-Islah, Pembela Islam,and al-Islam would not have flourished without the works of their predecessors (some of which have unfortunately ceased publishing today). 34 Complementing the journals were the media and the book publishers, whose devotion to the spread of modern Islamic discourse combined with their desire to sell such these to public at large. One of the leading lights among these institutions was the magazine Tempo, which committed itself to pursuing “the vision of modernization”. 35 Tempo, which was published in the 1980s, was crucial in the dissemination of the ideas of Nurcholish Madjid, becoming what others considered his “loudspeaker.” 36 Issues of Islamic thoughts frequently become headlines in various editions in Tempo. 37 Tempo, however, would also be criticized for promoting Islamic modernism just to be able to “sell” to a big market of readers. Its former editor in chief Yulizar Kasiri, for example, once explained that “Tempo [cited the ideas of] Islamic Neo-modernism offered by Nurcholish Madjid as a decoy to the readers.” 38

Another periodical, Panjimas (Panji Masyarakat) also played an important role in promoting the debates on the Islamic thought in Indonesia. Established in 15 June 1959 by Faqih Usman, Hamka, and Yunan Nasution,Panjimas became a magazine that disseminated Islamic modernism. 39 It published essays by the older generation of Islamic thinkers such as Hamka who was critical of Nurcholish alongside the latter’s writings. 40 Panjimas likewise served as a training ground for the young Muslim thinkers of the 1970s, and several IAIN graduates earned their spurs working for the magazine. One could say that almost the entire Muslim intellectuals of the 1980s and 1990s were associated with Panjimas. One of them, Fachry Ali, recalled how he recruited his friends to the journal, many of whom would become important figures later on:

I would like to mention Komaruddin Hidayat (my class), the late Iqbal Abdurauf Saimima, Azyumardi Azra (my friend) who I recruited to work in Panji Masyarakat based on the assurance given me by Pak Rusjdi Hamka. Farid Hadjiri recruited me to work in this magazine. Other young Muslim writers such as Sudirman Tebba (now with ANTEVE), Asafri J Bakrie, Bahtiar Effendy, Dasrizal, M. Amin Nurdin, Pipip Ahmad Rifai were also under our intellectual guidance. 41

While it is acknowledged that the role of Panjimas as a training ground for major thinkers of modern Islamic discourse in Indonesia, much needs to be done to explore these connections and their impact.

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We also cannot discount the influence of the daily newspaper Kompas in promoting modernist thinking, especially in the 1980s. Many of the scholars mentioned above always desire to have their ideas published in Kompas, knowing how huge its readership was. Kompas was also a vital source of reference for many of these writers, including Nurcholish who many thought would not get any space in a media outlet managed by non-Muslims 42 The publishing house Mizan, established in 1983 and directed by Haidar Bagir, must also be cited for its active promotion of the works of local and international Muslim thinkers. Although there is yet to be a study on the distribution network and impact of Mizan, I am quite certain that its books were sought actively by a public wanting to keep informed of the latest development in Islamic thought. Mizan published works like Nurcholish Madjid’s Islam Kemodernan dan Keindonesiaan, Harun Nasution Islam Rasional, M. Dawam Rahardjo’s Intelektual Intelegensia dan Perilaku Politik, Jalaluddin Rakhmat’s Islam Aktual, M. Amien Rais’ Cakrawala Islam, Ahmad Syafii Maarif’s Peta Bumi Intelektualisme Islam Indonesia, M. Quraish Shihab’s “Membumikan” Al-Qur’an, among others. Because of their role in disseminating the works of Muslim thinkers, foreign scholars are increasing suggesting that more serious attention be given to the role media has played in the dynamics of Islam in Indonesia. 43

I would like to argue that the development of modernism in Islamic thought in the 1980s was largely the responsibility of Fachry Ali and Dawam Rahardjo. Those two scholars elaborated on the thoughts of Nurcholish Madjid, and Fachry Ali has been trying to put Nurcholish’s idea into practices since the 1970s. On the one hand, Fachry Ali, a senior for other young Muslim thinkers of the 1990s, invited many of his IAIN classmates as well as junior colleagues (Azyumardi Azra, Komaruddin Hidayar, Bahtiar Effendy, Badri Yatim, Hadimulyo) to establish an intellectual community based on the thought of Nurcholish in Ciputat. 44 This forum in turn helped nurture much younger thinkers, who included Ali Muhannif, Ihsan Ali-Fauzi, Ahmadi Thaha, Nanang Tahqiq, Saiful Muzani, Muhammad Wahyuni Nafis, and Nasrullah Ali Fauzi. They became translators, writers, editors and contributors to books published in the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s. Azyumardi Azra, who would rise to a stellar role various academic fora, constantly cited the generous support Fachry Ali gave him. 45 On the other hand, M Dawam Rahardjo is distinguished for having recruited fellow IAIN alumni to work in the real world through institutes like LSAF, LP3ES and P3M. If Nurchlish Madjid is known as a man of ideas then Dawam may be called a man of practice. Through Prisma he invited Muslim scholars to deal with empirical social themes and in Ulumul Qur’an, he created a forum where various disciplines could discuss and debate contemporary issues of Islamic thoughts. Finally through his links with the Pesantren, Dawam offers his audience a chance to understand the world which is a breeding ground for the Muslim thinkers. 46

Conclusion

This essay is a preliminary attempt to trace the roots of Islamic thought in the 1980s. It sees four elements that constitute a main thread in this “short” history. First, there is a continuation between the ideas developed in the 1970s and 1980s and those that became prominent in the 1990s. The liberal interpretations of scholar like Harun Nasution and his cohort found able ears and supportive heirs in the generations that followed them. Second, Nurcholish Madjid’s idea on secularization was also warmly accepted by younger generation of scholars, thanks in part by the active promotion of people like Fachry Ali and Dawam Rahardjo. Third one, there is a need to conduct more studies on the role of publishers and mass media in disseminating the ideas of these Islamic scholars. Finally, there is also a need to examine the indigenous features of Islamic thought in Indonesia, especially in the 1980s.

Kamaruzzaman Bustamam-Ahmad
Lecturer at the Institute of Liberal Arts, Walailak University, Thailand
Ph.D Canditate at La Trobe University, Australia

Kyoto Review of Southeast Asia. Issue 8-9 (March 2007). Culture and Literature

Notes:

  1. A brief introduction on the trend of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals, see Federspiel, H. M. 1999. Muslim Intellectual in Southeast Asia. Studia Islamika 6,1:41-76.; Federspiel, H. M. 2002. Modernist Islam in Southeast Asia: A New Examination. The Muslim World Vol.92:371-386.
  2. Azra, A. 2004. The Origins of Islamic Reformism: Networks of Malay-Indonesian and Middle Eastern ‘Ulama in the 17th and 18th Centuries. Hawaii: University of Hawaii Press.Azyumardi Azra, 1994, Jaringan Ulama Timur Tengah dan Kepulauan Nusantara Abad XVII dan XVIII: Melacak Akar-Akar Pembaruan Pemikiran Islam di Indonesia, Bandung: Mizan; idem, 1999, Islam Reformis: Dinamika Intelektual dan Gerakan, Jakarta: RajaGrafindo Persada, 159-163; idem, 1989, “Jaringan ‘Ulama’ Timur Tengah dan Indonesia Abad Ke-17 (Sebuah Esei untuk 70 Tahun Prof. Harun Nasution),” inRefleksi Pembaharuan Pemikiran Islam: 70 Tahun Nasution, Jakarta: LSAF, pp. 358-384. For a review of Indonesian Islamic modernism before and after independence, see Kamaruzzaman Bustamam-Ahmad, 2002, Islam Historis: Dinamika Studi Islam di Indonesia, Yogyakarta: Galang Press.
  3. See also Peacock, J. L. 1978. Muslim Puritans: Reformist Pshchology in Southeast Asian Islam. Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press.; Federspiel, H. M. 1970. Persatuan Islam: Islamic Reform in Twentieh Century Indonesia. Ithaca: Cornell University Modern Indonesian Project.; Jainuri, A. 1981. Muhammadiyah: Gerakan Reformasi Islam di Jawa pada Awal Abah kedua Puluh. Surabaya: Bina Ilmu.; Djamal, M. 1998. The Origin of the Islamic Reform Movement in Minangkabau: Life and Thought of Abdul Karim Amrullah. Studia Islamika 5,3:1-45.
  4. Azyumardi Azra, 1999, Renaisans Islam Asia Tenggara: Sejarah & Kekuasaan, Bandung: Rosdakarya, 143-161; Mona Abaza, 1999, Pendidikan Islam dan Pergeseran Orientasi: Studi Kasus Alumni Al-Azhar, Jakarta: LP3ES.Abaza, M. 1994. Islamic Education: Perception and Exchanges Indonesian Students in Cairo. Paris: ArchipelAbaza, M. 2003a. “Changing Images of Three Generations of Azharites in Indonesia,” in Islam: Critical Concepts in Sociology. Edited by B. S. Turner, pp. 382-418. London and New York: RoutledgeAbaza, M. 2003b. Indonesian Azharites, Fifteen Years Later. SOJOURNVol.18, No.1:139-153.
  5. On this see generally, Roff, W. 1967. The Origins of Malay Nationalism. New Have: Yale University PressRoff, W. 1970. Indonesian and Malay Students in Cairo in the 1920′s. Indonesia 9:73-87.
  6. Alfian, 1989, Muhammadiyah: The Political Behavior of A Muslim Modernist Organization Under Dutch Colonialism, Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press; Alwi Shihab, 1997, Islam Inklusif: Menuju Sikap Terbuka dalam Beragama, Bandung: Mizan, pp. 3-36; idem, 1998,MembendungArus: Respons Muhammadiyah terhadap Penetrasi Misi Kristen di Indonesia, Bandung: Mizan; and Akh. Minhaji, 2001, Ahmad Hassan and Islamic Legal Reform in Indonesia (1887-1958), Yogyakarta: Kurnia Kalam Semesta Press,Minhaji, A. 1997. Ahmad Hassan and Islamic Legal Reform in Indonesia, Ph.D Thesis McGill University.
  7. Endang Saifuddin Anshari, 1986, Piagam Jakarta 22 Juni 1945 dan Sejarah Konsensus Nasionalis Islami dan Nasionalis “Sekuler” Tentang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia 1945-1959, Jakarta: Rajawali Press; Ahmad Syafii Maarif, 1988, Islam dan Politik di Indonesia Pada Masa Demokrasi Terpimpin (1959-1965), Yogyakarta: IAIN Sunan Kalijaga Press,; Ahmad Suheimi, 1999, Soekarno Versus Natsir: Kemenangan Barisan Megawati Reinkarnasi Nasionalis Sekuler, Jakarta: Darul Falah; Greg Fealy, 2003, Ijtihad Politik Ulama: Sejarah NU 1952-1967, Yogyakarta: LKiS.
  8. M. Dawam Rahardjo, 1993, Intelektual Intelegensia dan Perilaku Politik Bangsa: Risalah Cendekiawan Muslim, Bandung: Mizan, p.24.
  9. M.Syafii Anwar, 1995, Pemikiran dan Aksi Islam Indonesia: Sebuah Kajian Politik Tentang Cendekiawan Orde Baru, Jakarta: Paramadina, p.8
  10. This dissertation is published in Kuala Lumpur on 1982 by Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka Kementrian Pelajaran Malaysia.
  11. Greg Barton, 1998, Gagasan Islam Liberal di Indonesia: Pemikiran Neo-Modernisme Nurcholish Madjid, Djohan Effendi, Ahmad Wahib dan Abdurrahman Wahid, Nanang Tahqiq (terj), Jakarta: Paramadina, pp.28-32.
  12. This article is published in Tashwirul Afkar, No.10, 2001, p.24-25; idem, 2000, “Epilog: PMII, dari “Islam Liberal” ke “Post-Tradisionalisme” Tradisionalime Islam” dari Communal Society ke Civil Society,” dalam Muh. Hanif Dhakiri dan Zaini Rachman, Post-Tradisionalisme Islam: Menyingkap Corak Pemikiran dan Gerakan PMII, Jakarta: ISISINDO Mediatama, pp.95-96.
  13. Bahtiar Effendy, 1998, Islam dan Negara: Transformasi Pemikiran dan Praktik Politik Islam di Indonesia, Ihsan Ali-Fauzi (translation), Jakarta: Paramadina, pp. 142-144. ; This book translated into English, Effendy, B. 2003. Islam and the State in Indonesia. Singapore: ISEAS.
    and M. Rusli Karim, 1999, Negara dan Peminggiran Islam Politik: Suatu Kajian Mengenai Implikasi Kebijakan Pembangunan Bagi Keberadaan “Islam Politik” di Indonesia Era 1970-an dan 1980-an, Yogyakarta: Tiara Wacana, pp.206-207.
  14. Faisal Ismail, 1999, Ideologi Hegemoni dan Otoritas Agama: Wacana Ketegangan Kreatif Islam dan Pancasila, Yogyakarta: Tiara Wacana, p.253; and Masykuri Abdillah, 1999, Demokrasi di Persimpangan Makna: Respons Intelektual Muslim Indonesia terhadap Konsep Demokrasi (1966-1993), Yogyakarta: Tiara Wacana, p.83. See also idem, 1996, “Theological Response to the Concepts of Democracy and Human Rights: The Case of Contemporary Indonesia Muslim Intellectuals,” Studia Islamika, Vol.3, No.1, pp.1-42.
  15. Bahtiar, Islam dan Negara, p. 273.
  16. Other studies on these matters include works by Abdul Aziz Taba, Islam dan Negara dalam Politik Orde Baru and of Amiruddin, Kekuatan Islam dan Pergulatan Kekuasaan di Indonesia. See Abdul Azis Thaba, 1996, Islam dan Negara dalam Politik Orde Baru, Jakarta: Gema Insani Press,; and Aminuddin, 1999, Kekuatan Islam dan Pergulatan Kekuasaan di Indonesia; Sebelum dan Sesudah Runtuhnya Rezim Soeharto, Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar.
  17. Arief Subhan, 1998, “Prof. Dr. Harun Nasution: Penyemai Teologi Islam Rasional,” in Azyumardi Azra dan Saiful Umam (ed.), Tokoh dan Pemimpin Agama: Biografi Sosial Intelektual, Jakarta: Badan Litbang Departemen Agama RI dan PPIM pp.439-477; Saiful Muzani, 1993, “Reaktualisasi Teologi Mu’tazilah Bagi Pembaharan Umat Islam: Lebih Dekat dengan Harun Nasution,” Rubrik Pakar dalam Ulumul Qur’an, No.4, Vol.IV, pp.1-12; and Fauzan Saleh, 2001, Modern Trends in Islamic Theological Discourse in 20th Centurty Indonesia: A Critical Survey, Leiden: Brill, pp.197-240.
  18. Bahtiar Effendy, Hendro Prasetyo, Arief Subhan, 1998, ““Munawir Sjadzali MA: Pencairan Ketegangan Ideologis,” in Azyumardi Azra and Saiful Umam (ed.), Menteri-Menteri Agama RI: Biografi Sosial-Politik, (Jakarta: Litbang Depag, PPIM, dan INIS, pp.367-412; Bahtiar Effendy, 1995, “Islam and the State in Indonesia: Munawir Sjadzali and the Development of a New Theological Underpinning of Political Islam, “ Studia Islamika, Vol.2, No.2 pp. 97-121, later published in 2000,Teologi Baru Politik Islam: Pertautan Agama, Negara dan Demokrasi Yogyakarta: Galang Press, pp.67-85; and Agus Wahid, 1995, “Munawir Sjadzali,” Ulumul Qur’an, No.3, Vol.VI, p.32.
  19. li Muhannif, 1996, “Islam and the Struggle for Religious Pluralism in Indonesia; A Political Reading of the Religious Thought of Mukti Ali,” Studia Islamika, Vol.3, No.1 , pp79-126 and “Prof. Dr. A. Mukti Ali: Modernisasi Politik Keagamaan Orde Baru,” in Azyumardi Azra dan Saiful Umam (ed.), 1998, Menteri-Menteri Agama RI: Biografi Sosial-Politik, Jakarta: Litbang Depag, PPIM, dan INIS, pp.269-320; and Nasrullah Ali-Fauzi, 1995, “Abdul Mukti Ali,” Ulumul Qur’an, No.3, Vol.VI, pp.30-31.  
  20. Azyumardi Azra, 1994, “Guardian the Faith of the Ummah:The Religio-Intellectual Journey of Mohammad Rasjidi”, Studia Islamika. Vol.1, No.2, pp.87-119; idem, 1998, “H.M. Rasjidi, BA; Pembentukan Kementrian Agama dalam Revolusi”, in Azyumardi Azra and Saiful Umam (ed), Menteri-Menteri Agama RI: Biografi Sosial Politik, Jakarta: INIS, PPIM, dan Badan Litbang Agama Departemen Agama RI, pp.3-33; Akh. Minhaji dan Kamaruzzaman Bustamam-Ahmad, 2001, “In Memoriam: Prof. Dr. H.M. Rasjidi, 1915-2001,” Asy-Syir’ah, No.8, pp. 111-130.
  21.  Greg Barton, Gagasan Islam Liberal di Indonesia, p.505.
  22. Among the other books produced by Paramadina are: Komaruddin Hidayat, 1998, Tragedi Raja Midas: Moralitas Agama dan Krisis Modernisme, Jakarta: Paramadina, pp. 203-215; and Buhdy Munawar-Rachman, 1996, “Model Kajian Agama di Kalangan Kelas Menengah: Kasus Paramadina,”Lektur, V, pp.59-74; idem, 2003, “Reformulasi Tradisi Intelektual Islam: Sebuah Pengalaman Studi Islam di Paramadina,” Paper presented at seminar on “Reformulasi Pembidangan Ilmu di PTAI,” Yogyakarta, 5-6 November pp.1-11.,
  23. M. Dawam Rahardjo, 1996, Ensiklopedi Al-Qur’an: Tafsir Sosial Berdasarkan Konsep-Konsep Kunci, Jakarta: Paramadina,. Ulumul Qur’an growth, for example, was due to the support given to it by Nurcholish Madjid.
  24. M. Dawam Rahardjo, 1999, “Kata Pengantar,” in Edy A. Effendy (ed.), Dekonstruksi Islam: Mazhab Ciputat, Bandung: Zaman Wacana Mulya, p.xxvii.
  25. Dedy Djamaluddin Malik and Idi Subandy Ibrahim,1998, Zaman Baru Islam Indonesia: Pemikiran & Aksi Politik Abdurrahman Wahid, M. Amien Rais, Nurcholish Madjid, dan Jalaluddin Rakhmat, Bandung: Zaman Wacana Mulya, p.152; and “Tentang Yayasan Muthahhari,” Al-Hikmah, No.1 (1990), h.102.
  26. Martin van Bruinessen, 1999, NU: Tradisi, Relasi-relasi Kuasa, Pencarian Wacana Baru, Yogyakarta: LKiS, p.236.
  27. To mention some of works on Indonesian Islam: Deliar Noer, 1996, Gerakan Moderen Islam di Indonesia 1900-1942, Jakarta: LP3ES; Noer, D. 1973. The Modernist Muslim Movement in Indonesia, 1900-1942. London: Oxford University Press.; Taufik Abdullah, 1996, Islam dan Masyarakat: Pantulan Sejarah Indonesia, Jakarta: LP3ES,; Ahmad Syafii Maarif, 1996, Islam dan Masalah Kenegaraan: Studi tentang Percaturan dalam Konstituante, Jakarta: LP3ES,; Zamakhsyari Dhofier, 1994, Tradisi Pesantren: Studi tentang Pandangan Hidup Kyai, Jakarta: LP3ES,; LP3ES (ed.), 1985, Agama dan Tantangan Zaman: Pilihan Artikel Prisma 1975-1984, Jakarta: LP3ES,. In 1999, LKiS published Abdurahman Wahid’s in this journal with the titlePrisma Pemikiran Gus Dur(Yogyakarta: LKiS, 1999).
  28. Hairus Salim HS, “Gus Dur dan Kenangan Cendekiawan Zaman Prisma,” dalam Abdurrahman Wahid, Prisma Pemikiran Gus Dur, p.ix.
  29. Martin van Bruinessen, NU: Tradisi, Relasi-relasi Kuasa, p.222.
  30. Fachry Ali, “Epilog Intelektual, Pengaruh Pemikiran, dan Lingkungannya: Butir-Butir Catatan Untuk Nurcholish Madjid,” in Edy A. Effendy (ed.),Dekonstruksi Islam: Mazhab Ciputat, h.313. This article was published with the title in 1998, “Kata Pengantar: Intelektual, Pengaruh Pemikirannya dan Lingkungannya: Butir-butir Catatan untuk Nurcholish Madjid,” in Nurcholish Madjid, Dialog Keterbukaan: Artikulasi Nilai Islam dalam Wacana Sosial Politik Kontemporer, Jakarta: Paramadina, pp.xxi-lvii.
  31. Barton, Gagasan Islam Liberal di Indonesia, p.495.
  32. Martin van Bruinessen, NU: Tradisi, Relasi-relasi Kuasa, p.246.
  33. “M. Amien Rais: Belajar Ke Barat, Tapi Anti Orientalis,” Ulumul Qur’an, No.3, Vol.V (1994), p.104.
  34. Azyumardi Azra, 2002, Islam Nusantara: Jaringan Global dan Lokal, Bandung: Mizan; idem, 1999, Menuju Masyarakat Madani: Gagasan, Fakta, dan Tantangan, (Bandung: Rosdakarya, pp. 32-33; Howard M. Federspiel, 1996, Persatuan Islam: Pembaharuan Islam Indonesia Abad XXI, Yudian W. Asmin and Affandi Mochtar (translation) , Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press; Muhammad Rezduan Othman, “Islam dan Proses Politik dalam Peradaban Malaysia,” (unpublished paper, no year).
  35. M. Deden Ridwan, 1995, “Tempo dan Gerakan Neo-Modernisme Islam Indonesia,” Ulumul Qur’an, No.3, Vol.VI, p.51.
  36. M. Deden Ridwan, Tempo dan Gerakan Neo-Modernisme, p.51.
  37. ee, for example, the May 1971, April 1972, July 1972, December 1972, January 1973, June 1986, and April 1993 issues of the magazine. M. Deden Ridwan, Tempo dan Gerakan Neo-Modernisme, p.52.
  38. But Yulizar would qualify that the magazine had nothing to do with either “rejecting or accepting such ideas, leaving it to readers to decide.” Agus Wahid, 1995, “Cak Nur dan Tempo,” Ulumul Qur’an, No.3, Vol.VI, p.53.
  39. Azyumardi Azra, Menuju Masyarakat Madani, p.30.
  40. Azyumardi Azra, Menuju Masyarakat Madani, p.33.
  41. Fachry Ali, Epilog Intelektual, p.312.
  42. Fachry Ali, 1985, Agama, Islam dan Pembangunan, Yogyakarta: PLP2M.
  43. R. William Liddle, 1997, Islam, Politik dan Modernisasi, Jakarta: Sinar Harapan, pp.100-132; Robert Hefner, 2000, Islam Pasar Keadilan: Artikulasi Lokal, Kapitalisme, dan Demokrasi, Yogyakarta: LKiS, pp.43-90.
  44. Fachry Ali, Epilog Intelektual, p.293.
  45. Azyumardi Azra, “Pengantar Penyunting,” in Fachry Ali, Agama, Islam dan Pembangunan, p.1-3.
  46. Dawam Rahardjo’s habit of giving introduction is well known. See for example, M. Dawam Rahardjo, 1999, “Islam dan Modernisasi: Catatan Atas Paham Sekularisasi Nurcolish Madjid,” dalam Nurcholish Madjid, Islam Kemodernan dan Keindonesiaan, (Bandung: Mizan, 1999), pp. 11-31.; idem, 1989, “Melihat ke Belakang, Merancang Masa Depan: Pengantar,” dalam Muntaha Azhari dan Abdul Mun’im Saleh (peny.), Islam Indonesia Menatap Masa Depan, Jakarta: P3M, pp.1-16; idem, 1999, “Kata Pengantar” dalam dalam Edy A. Effendy (ed.), Dekonstruksi Islam: Mazhab Ciputat, h.vii-xxviii; idem, 1998, “Kata Pengantar: Dari Modernisme ke Pasca Modernisme,” dalam Komaruddin Hidayat, Tragedi Raja Midas: Moralitas Agama dan Krisis Modernisme, Jakarta: Paramadina, pp. xvii-xxv; idem, 1991, “Islam Sejarah Profetik dan Analisis Transformasi Masyarakat,” in Kuntowijoyo,Paradigma Islam: Interpretasi untuk Aksi, Bandung: Mizan, pp.11-19.