Tracing The Roots of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals: A Bibliographical Survey

This essay provides a sketch of Indonesian Muslim intellectuals of the 1990s and offers a comprehensive explanation of their reformist approach to Islam from the 1970s to the 1980s. ¹ It argues that there is a continuation in their regard of Islamic thought for the last three decades. I utilize a bibliographical approach to the works of these intellectuals. It is an approach that neither Indonesian nor foreign scholars have ever used. While the period begins with the 1970s, I also would warn readers that my knowledge of works in the 1970s is limited. I hope, however, that other scholars can fill the gap by undertaking detailed studies of this period.

There is no consensus as regards the origins of Islamic reform in Indonesia. It is claimed that these trends started between the late 19^th and early 20 centuries, which has been challenged by Azyumardi Azra, who argued that reform in Islam began as early as the 17^th century. ² His revisionist studies set off a series of discussions on the issue, especially on the intellectual expressions of these reforms. ³Those who still clung to the first argument would consign this point to a mere “footnote” in the study of Muslim intellectuals and reformism. But those who took Azyumardi’s argument seriously, meant that extending the origins of Islamic reformism farther back would men taking into account the intellectual dynamics in Haramayn and Egypt. ⁴

To argue that the modernism movement dated back to the early 19^th and 20^th centuries meant to focus on how these intellectuals adopted the ethos and spirit of modernism, and how they tapped institutions like newspapers and journals to articulate their views. ⁵ Viewed from this context, however, modernism also becomes framed by colonialism and the proselytization of Christianity by colonial power which regarded the religious behavior of Indonesian Muslim as being “trapped” in the TBC (Taklid, Bid’ah and Churafat, or unquestioning acceptance of traditional religious interpretations, heresy, and superstitions, respectively). ⁶ This modernism did not last longer, as Muslim scholars were caught in the intensity of the independence and post-independence debates regarding the foundations of the nation, the relations between the state and religion, and the direction of Indonesian politics which they saw as “dominated” by secular nationalists. ⁷ Even in the last days of Old Order, Islamic thought remained undeveloped because the foremost concern was the threat of the Partai Komunis Indonesia.

 

Leading Lights

Intellectual articulations of Islamic thoughts first appeared in 1970s as noted by M. Dawan Rahardjo in his Intelektual Intelegensia dan Perilaku Politik Bangsa. ⁸ Young Muslim intellectuals led by Nurcholish Madjid began to make their presence felt, proposing that the Muslim community would be in a better position if they underemphasize the political power of the community under the Old Order and redirect the attention of Indonesian Muslim towards the substance of Islamic teachings. The emergence of this intellectuals was in response to the New Order government to conceive of ways of limiting, if not eliminating the power of political Islam. M. Syafii Anwar’s Pemikiran dan Aksi Islam Indonesia, for example, argues that the New Order government was going to do away with “primordial political ideology.” ⁹ Books like Anwar’s were meant to send a message to young Muslim intellectuals not to give were political Islam importance in the same way as it was by their predecessor who, in turn, lost power under the Old Order.

A comprehensive study on the role played of Nurcholish Madjid is M. Kamal Hassan PhD dissertation “Muslim Intellectual response to New Order Modernization in Indonesia” (Columbia University, 1975). ¹⁰ Kamal’s study, however, was debunked by Greg Barton in his Gagasan Islam Liberal di Indonesia. ¹¹ Barton’s study, as well as another work, Neo-Modernisme Islam Versus Post-Tradisionalisme Islam, was critiqued by younger intellectual Muslim from Nahdatul Ulama, such as in his work. ¹²The dynamics of modernization of the Islamic in response to the politics of New Order were also discussed by Kamal, Bachtiar Effendy and M. Rusli Karim. ¹³ Other scholar like Faisal Ismail also tries to look Islamic modernism at from the perspective of the tension within Pancasila, while Masykuri Abdillah looks at the dynamics within the framework of a larger discourse on democracy. ¹⁴

What is important to note here is that the ideas of these Muslim intellectuals of the 1970s are accepted within the wider context of Islamic thought in Indonesia. More importantly, their ideas began to alter the policies of New Order as regards Islam and Muslim community. For instance, as a result of their writings, the state became more accommodating of Islam. Bahtiar Effendy cites four areas where the New Order became more obliging: the structural, legislative, infrastructural, and cultural. In the cultural sphere, one of the most apparent moves by the government was the recruitment of Islamic thinkers and activists to the executive branch, the bureaucracy and the legislature. ¹⁵ Parliament also passed new laws which provided more material benefit to Islam. The most prominent of these regulations was the creation of the Islamic Bank Muamalat Indonesia in 1991. The state also included Islamic themes in its various rituals and ceremonies. ¹⁶

Harun Nasution also tried to “indigenize” Mu’tazilah in Indonesia in the 1970s. Despite initial resistance by many, his efforts bore fruits when he developed a new generation of Muslim scholars specializing in the Islamic thought in the 1980s and 1990s through his institution, the State Institute of Islamic Studies of Syarif Hidayatullah, Jakarta. Harun’s role in spread of the discourse of Islamic thought had a deep impact for the next generation of Islamic thinkers in Indonesia. The book Refleksi Pembaharuan Pemikiran Islam cited various Muslim scholars from the 1960s to 1990s generation, giving recognition to Harun’s contribution to the spread of “rational thinking” in Indonesia, as wrote by Arief Subhan, Saiful Muzani,and Fauzan Saleh. ¹⁷Another intellectual, Munawir Sjadzali was deeply involved in sending many Muslim scholars from the State Institute of Islamic Studies to abroad in the 1990s to receive education in counterpart Islamic Studies institutes in the West. This group would return to Indonesia and in turn make a profound impact on the discourse of Islamic thought in the country. The Kontekstualisasi Ajaran Islam (1995), as well as other authors who cited Munawir’s program, noted how much it helped relax ideological tensions that were beginning to rise in Indonesia in the 1990s. ¹⁸

Still another prominent figure in this movement to modernize Islamic thought is the scholar Mukti Ali. Through his Yogyakarata study circle called the Limited Group, Mukti invited many Muslim thinkers to join in conducting a pioneer study on comparative religion at the State Institutes of Islamic Studies (IAIN). His role has been acknowledged by young Yogyakarta Muslim thinkers like the late Ahmad Wahid, M. Dawam Rahardjo, Djohan Effendi, and many others. His vision of a modernist Islam have also been explored by scholars like Abdurahman, Burhanuddin Daya, and Djam’annuari (eds), Agama dan Masyarakat, as well as Ali Munhannif and Nasrullah Ali Fauzi. ¹⁹ Finally there is H.M Rasjidi – also referred to by Nurcholish Madjid as the Godfather of the McGill Mafia (i.e., scholars who went to McGill University in Canada). His works have been appreciated in Indonesia, as indicated by the writings of Azyumardi Azra, Akh. Minhaji and Kamaruzzaman about him. ²⁰His disagreements with Nurcholish Madjid and his colleagues however have also put a limit his influence, especially since Rasjidi’s works have drawn the full attention of the first Religious Minister of Indonesia.

Institutions

The organizations and foundations in which these intellectuals belonged served as “vehicles as well as transmitters” of the modernization movement. Prominent among these leading institutions were the Paramadina Foundation, which helped spread the ideas of Nurcholish Madjid. Being visiting professor in the Indonesian Academy of Sciences and senior lecturer in IAIN also served Nurcholish well. Greg Barton points out that having Syarif Hidayatullah as a colleague in Paramadina was also vital in Nurcholish’s attempts at popularizing the discourse of Islamic modernity. ²¹ Periodically Nurcholish would also deliver monthly lectures at the KKA (Club of Religious Studies), a association of mainly middle class Muslims in Jakarta. He would also invite other scholars in such for to stimulate the discussions. Through these lectures Nurcholish and his colleagues works that “flooded” the Indonesian scene. Publications by Paramadina and other foundations like LAZIS of Nurcholish’s and other’s works then complemented these proceedings. ²² Paramadina publications were in turn distributed by institutions like Buku Panduan Program Pusat Studi Islam. This foundation also published a journal by the name of Paramadina which only lasted up until two editions.

Another vital network is the LSAF (Study Circle for the Study of Philosophy and Religion). The LSAF became active in socializing the movement of Islamic modernism in the 1980s and continued its projects well into the 1990s. It was instrumental in the production of such works of authors like M. Dawam Rahardjo, whose essay in the journal Ulumul Qur’an, whichfocused on the latest development in the study of Islam. Dawam also wrote a regular column called Assalamu’alaikum, and is author of the compendium Ensiklopedia Qur’an (published by Paramadina, which was closely allied to LSAF). ²³ LSAF was also responsible for the emergence and nurturing of young Muslim intellectuals like Saiful Muzani, Budhy Munawar-Rachman, Ihsan Ali-Fauzi, Arief Subhan, Nasrullah Ali-Fauzi, Agus Wachid, Edy A. Efendy, Dewi Nurjulianti, and Nurul Agustina. Some of them would become major thinkers in the disciplines of their own choice. ²⁴

Then there is the Muthahhari foundation in Bandung which is chaired by Jalaludin Rakhmat. The foundation was established by Jalaluddin, Haidar Bagir, Ahmad Tafsir and Achmad Muhadjir on 3 October 1988. It named itself after Mutahhari, a prolific cleric cum intellectual of the 20^th century who was regarded as the model Muslim scholar for having strong roots in the traditional teachings of Islam, for mastering non-religious subjects; and for showing concern for real problem of the social life. ²⁵The foundation is known to be close to the Shia Islam, publishing a now-defunct journal Al Hikmah, which expresses Shiite views of Islam and the world, especially those of Jalaluddin, and translating the works of Muslim scholars of Shiite sect. The journal, when it was still active, also produced works by orientalists and thus was seen as promoting plural perspective on Islam. It used to have close ties relation with Mizan Press, a publisher that that produces works by Shiite Muslim scholars like Ali Syari’ati.

The fourth organization is LP3ES (Research Institute, Education and Information on Economic and Social Issues), established in 1971 with funding from Friedrich Nauman Stiftung (FNS) foundation of Germany. ²⁶ Its leading thinkers included Fachry Ali, Hadimulyo, M. Dawam Rahardjo, and Abdurrahman Wahid. Dawam Rahardjo would use LP3ES as a way of involving the pesantren in various programs of empowerment, but also guide social research along empirical matters and less on normative themes. LP3ES published books that became considered as major references for the Islamic studies in Indonesia, and the journal Prisma, that focused on social themes as they relate to Islam in Indonesia. ²⁷ Prisma promoted articles with anti-ideological and anti-political party themes as well as essays that promote mass understanding of present and past Islamic discourses. ²⁸ According to Martin van Bruinessen, Prisma has also inspired an open minded perspective on the studies of traditional texts, yet at the same it offers a critical review of these texts. ²⁹ LP3ES was unique because it was both a research institute and an NGO. It was, according to Fachry Ali,“an organization that generously accommodate our intellectual desire [t]hrough research activities and [through] its journal Prisma…had inspired and supported the desires for an intellectual quest that have been pioneered by Nurcholish Madjid in our community.” ³⁰

The fifth organization is the P3M (Association of Development of Pesantren and Society) which was established in 1983 and now headed by Masdar F Mas’udi. Its goals include providing intellectual support for modernism within the pesantren world. ³¹ Its founder was related to the LP3ES, but its development was mainly the result of the efforts of the Nahadtul Ulama (NU) and Masyumi. ³² The writings coming out of P3M, especially by prominent figures like Masdar and Abdurahman Wahid, are different for they try break old traditions like the view that teachings must closely follow the classical texts. The foundation publishes a quarterly journal that examines the latest development in the pesantren world.

The sixth organization is PPSK (Center of Strategic and Policy Studies), which is based in Yogyakarta and created shortly before the birth of Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim se-Indonesia (ICMI). Amien Rais was the prime mover behind PPSK, supported by other Gadjah Mada University scholars like Watik Pratiknya, Kuntowijoyo, Sofyan Effendy, Jamaluddin Ancok, Ichasul Amal, Yahya Muhaimin, Dochak Latif, Chairul Anwar, and the late Affan Gaffar. According to Amien the organization would function as a “kitchen that produces thoughts for the Muslims” ³³ It would eventually transformed itself into the think thank that gave birth to ICMI, the now famous clearing house for various Muslims intellectuals. PPSK publishes a quarterly journal Prospektif, producing works similar to those of the IAIN.

It should be clear by now that the movement of Islamic modernism in Indonesia has always been associated with foundations, with scholars and intellectuals known for both their ideas as well as for their affiliation. Nurcholish Madjid, for example, is recognized as a scholar from IAIN Jakarta and LIPI, but public also knows him as a leading light of Paramadina. Furthermore, new generation of intellectuals also become known via “these vehicles.” Komaruddin Hidayat, a young Muslim thinker in the 1990s, made his mark in public via Paramadina, while LP3ES was responsible for the reputation of Fachry Ali as an expert on social sciences and politics. The P3M was the incubator for the scholars under NU to emerge, notably Zuhairi Misrawi in 2000, while LSAF produced young Muslim thinkers like Saiful Muzani, who became known commentators in the local newspaper, translators, editors, or freelance writers (Muzani would later on move to, a research institute under the State Islamic University).

It goes without saying that journals like Prisma, Pesantren, Ulumul Qur’an, and Al Hikmah, were crucial in promoting the above intellectuals’ views. They became “historical witnesses” to the development of these Islamic thinkers and for inspiring other journals to emerge. Such new journals as Al-Manar, Al-Imam, Al-Munir, Al-Muslimun, Ittihad, Seruan al-Azhar, Pilehan Timoer, al-Islah, Pembela Islam,and al-Islam would not have flourished without the works of their predecessors (some of which have unfortunately ceased publishing today). ³⁴ Complementing the journals were the media and the book publishers, whose devotion to the spread of modern Islamic discourse combined with their desire to sell such these to public at large. One of the leading lights among these institutions was the magazine Tempo, which committed itself to pursuing “the vision of modernization”. ³⁵ Tempo, which was published in the 1980s, was crucial in the dissemination of the ideas of Nurcholish Madjid, becoming what others considered his “loudspeaker.” ³⁶ Issues of Islamic thoughts frequently become headlines in various editions in Tempo. ³⁷ Tempo, however, would also be criticized for promoting Islamic modernism just to be able to “sell” to a big market of readers. Its former editor in chief Yulizar Kasiri, for example, once explained that “Tempo [cited the ideas of] Islamic Neo-modernism offered by Nurcholish Madjid as a decoy to the readers.” ³⁸

Another periodical, Panjimas (Panji Masyarakat) also played an important role in promoting the debates on the Islamic thought in Indonesia. Established in 15 June 1959 by Faqih Usman, Hamka, and Yunan Nasution,Panjimas became a magazine that disseminated Islamic modernism. ³⁹ It published essays by the older generation of Islamic thinkers such as Hamka who was critical of Nurcholish alongside the latter’s writings. ⁴⁰ Panjimas likewise served as a training ground for the young Muslim thinkers of the 1970s, and several IAIN graduates earned their spurs working for the magazine. One could say that almost the entire Muslim intellectuals of the 1980s and 1990s were associated with Panjimas. One of them, Fachry Ali, recalled how he recruited his friends to the journal, many of whom would become important figures later on:

I would like to mention Komaruddin Hidayat (my class), the late Iqbal Abdurauf Saimima, Azyumardi Azra (my friend) who I recruited to work in Panji Masyarakat based on the assurance given me by Pak Rusjdi Hamka. Farid Hadjiri recruited me to work in this magazine. Other young Muslim writers such as Sudirman Tebba (now with ANTEVE), Asafri J Bakrie, Bahtiar Effendy, Dasrizal, M. Amin Nurdin, Pipip Ahmad Rifai were also under our intellectual guidance. ⁴¹

While it is acknowledged that the role of Panjimas as a training ground for major thinkers of modern Islamic discourse in Indonesia, much needs to be done to explore these connections and their impact.

We also cannot discount the influence of the daily newspaper Kompas in promoting modernist thinking, especially in the 1980s. Many of the scholars mentioned above always desire to have their ideas published in Kompas, knowing how huge its readership was. Kompas was also a vital source of reference for many of these writers, including Nurcholish who many thought would not get any space in a media outlet managed by non-Muslims ⁴² The publishing house Mizan, established in 1983 and directed by Haidar Bagir, must also be cited for its active promotion of the works of local and international Muslim thinkers. Although there is yet to be a study on the distribution network and impact of Mizan, I am quite certain that its books were sought actively by a public wanting to keep informed of the latest development in Islamic thought. Mizan published works like Nurcholish Madjid’s Islam Kemodernan dan Keindonesiaan, Harun Nasution Islam Rasional, M. Dawam Rahardjo’s Intelektual Intelegensia dan Perilaku Politik, Jalaluddin Rakhmat’s Islam Aktual, M. Amien Rais’ Cakrawala Islam, Ahmad Syafii Maarif’s Peta Bumi Intelektualisme Islam Indonesia, M. Quraish Shihab’s “Membumikan” Al-Qur’an, among others. Because of their role in disseminating the works of Muslim thinkers, foreign scholars are increasing suggesting that more serious attention be given to the role media has played in the dynamics of Islam in Indonesia. ⁴³

I would like to argue that the development of modernism in Islamic thought in the 1980s was largely the responsibility of Fachry Ali and Dawam Rahardjo. Those two scholars elaborated on the thoughts of Nurcholish Madjid, and Fachry Ali has been trying to put Nurcholish’s idea into practices since the 1970s. On the one hand, Fachry Ali, a senior for other young Muslim thinkers of the 1990s, invited many of his IAIN classmates as well as junior colleagues (Azyumardi Azra, Komaruddin Hidayar, Bahtiar Effendy, Badri Yatim, Hadimulyo) to establish an intellectual community based on the thought of Nurcholish in Ciputat. ⁴⁴ This forum in turn helped nurture much younger thinkers, who included Ali Muhannif, Ihsan Ali-Fauzi, Ahmadi Thaha, Nanang Tahqiq, Saiful Muzani, Muhammad Wahyuni Nafis, and Nasrullah Ali Fauzi. They became translators, writers, editors and contributors to books published in the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s. Azyumardi Azra, who would rise to a stellar role various academic fora, constantly cited the generous support Fachry Ali gave him. ⁴⁵ On the other hand, M Dawam Rahardjo is distinguished for having recruited fellow IAIN alumni to work in the real world through institutes like LSAF, LP3ES and P3M. If Nurchlish Madjid is known as a man of ideas then Dawam may be called a man of practice. Through Prisma he invited Muslim scholars to deal with empirical social themes and in Ulumul Qur’an, he created a forum where various disciplines could discuss and debate contemporary issues of Islamic thoughts. Finally through his links with the Pesantren, Dawam offers his audience a chance to understand the world which is a breeding ground for the Muslim thinkers. ⁴⁶

Conclusion

This essay is a preliminary attempt to trace the roots of Islamic thought in the 1980s. It sees four elements that constitute a main thread in this “short” history. First, there is a continuation between the ideas developed in the 1970s and 1980s and those that became prominent in the 1990s. The liberal interpretations of scholar like Harun Nasution and his cohort found able ears and supportive heirs in the generations that followed them. Second, Nurcholish Madjid’s idea on secularization was also warmly accepted by younger generation of scholars, thanks in part by the active promotion of people like Fachry Ali and Dawam Rahardjo. Third one, there is a need to conduct more studies on the role of publishers and mass media in disseminating the ideas of these Islamic scholars. Finally, there is also a need to examine the indigenous features of Islamic thought in Indonesia, especially in the 1980s.

Kamaruzzaman Bustamam-Ahmad
Lecturer at the Institute of Liberal Arts, Walailak University, Thailand
Ph.D Canditate at La Trobe University, Australia

Kyoto Review of Southeast Asia. Issue 8-9 (March 2007). Culture and Literature